|
|
 | Censoring
History: Citizenship and Memory in Japan, Germany, and the United States by Laura
Elizabeth Hein and Mark Selden: In Censoring History: Citizenship and Memory
in Japan, Germany, and the United States Laura Hein and Mark Selden provide a
critical investigation of how Japan, Germany, and even the United States recognize,
think about, and then articulate their role during times of war. Hein and Seldon
place their work within a larger viewpoint and try to concentrate on two main
issues: [1] the connection between citizens and the state, and [2] a nation's
actions in wartime and its implications vis-à-vis other countries. Censoring
History is "really" about what has been left out of the public space
in the development or reification a national narrative. The focal point of Censoring
History is the many manifestations of such censorship and how it seeps into particular
national spaces of memory. Vis-à-vis the Japanese, Germany has made tremendous
strides in terms of how it deals with its past. Reading Hein and Seldon one gets
the impression that on a "self-reflexivity" scale of 1 to 10 Germany
is perhaps an 8 while the Japanese gaze thorough a less critical lens situating
themselves in about a 5 position and the United States perhaps at and about the
3 positions. Different angles of war and internal conflict not only create problems
within a nation-state, but also increasingly affect the state of affairs between
them. Germany not only looks at issues such as textbooks but they also perceive
themselves as part of a developing European Community, as per Hein and Seldon
a key distinction from how Japan deals with is history, hence its "place"
in the region. Compared with Japan, German textbooks contain large segments analyzing
controversial issues and creatively augment those entries with projects and field
trips. Perhaps unfairly judged and there is movement in this area but vis-à-vis
their Japanese counterparts, German textbooks have more of a propensity to motivate
students to investigate and explore historical and juxtapose those sites and sounds
against present-day similarities and contrasts. Not only that, a student is made
to poke and prod and reflect on people's prejudices and such. Kathleen Woods
Masalski, an American high school teacher, communicates exchanges between American
and Japanese teachers. In a lot of ways, most master narratives can be pegged
to a sense of nationalism. Nationalist master narratives are created to make people
feel good about being part of that national community. However, historians introduce
self-criticism by problematizing histories makes history 'messy' (258). Masalski
writes in Teaching Democracy, Teaching War: American and Japanese Educators Teach
the Pacific War (258): "National narrative, master narrative, textbook narrative,
counternarrative, multiple narratives - the language, though not the ideas behind
it, was new to me and to most if not all the high school and college teachers
in the audience when our keynote speaker at a National Endowment for the Humanities
summer institute in 1994 challenged us to "problematize the national, the
master, the textbook narrative ... to make history messy!"" (258). Masalski
further writes: "The speaker was Jonathan Lipman (a historian at Mount Holyoke
College), one of many scholars in the Five College area in western Massachusetts
who has collaborated with social studies teachers throughout New England (and
across the country) to bring serious historical thought and controversy into precollege
classrooms" (258). Not known to many in the United Stated but to a few
interested scholars and teacher is the epic struggle of Ienaga Saburo. In Censoring
History such notables as Nozaki Yoshiko and Inokuchio Hiromitsu offer a more sympathetic
description of the decade-long effort by historian and educator Ienaga Saburo
who challenged the state authority in censoring and sanitizing textbook content
in Japan. Understandably in problematizing the hegemony we can expose the limitations
contained within the narratives, much to the chagrin of most comfortable unreflective
folk. At this point I wish to bring in Edward Linenthal who penned Anatomy of
a Controversy in History Wars: The Enola Gay and other Battles for the American
Past - who also focuses on issues of pedagogy - when he quotes Michael Kammen,
president of the Organization of American Historians and a member of the Smithsonian
Council during the Enola Gay controversy, "Historians become controversial
when they do not perpetuate myth, when they do not transmit the received and conventional
wisdom, when they challenge the comforting presence of a stabilized past. Members
of a society, and its politicians in particular, prefer that historians be quietly
irenic rather than polemical, conservators rather than innovators" (Linenthal
60). Such is the struggle of Ienaga Saburo. For those interested in pedagogy,
Gregory Wegner's article on the Buchenwald Concentration Camp in educating youth
is very informative. Turning to a topic of a very different sort, Hein and
Seldon present the argument that unlike the two "defeated" countries,
the US has somehow managed to escape outside scrutiny and accountability over
is "narratives" of its discredited war - Vietnam. The one thing that
Censoring History does is drag the U.S. into this circle of examination. Hein
and Seldon's research shows how the resulting clashes, wars, etc. have been sanitized,
at times even deliberately ignored, when textbooks circulate this part of American
history to its young. Taken together, these essays reveal that Japan is far from
the only country caught in an ongoing conflict over its past. Masalski's essay
reveals some instances of differences among American teachers over an American
historians interpretation of World War II. Potential teachers like myself wish
to view the work do Laura Hein and Mark Selden (and including, but not limited
to, the works of Edward Linenthal and Tom Engelhardt) as unfinished projects.
Pedagogical development is something that should be constantly and vigorously
attended to, lest we forget. |
 | History
Wars : The Enola Gay and Other Battles for the American Past by Tom Engelhardt
(Editor), Edward T. Linethal (Editor): History Wars: The Enola gay and other
Battles for the American Past is an extremely thought provoking book. Contained
herein are eight essays that explore various issues concerning the fiasco that
surrounded the attempt by the Smithsonian to reflect on the dropping of the bomb.
History Wars brings up concerns not just about how World War II ended but more
importantly how we as liberal and democratic societies confront issues with political
implications. Here are the facts of the matter: The National Air and Space
Museum (NASM), in the early nineties, decided to mark the fiftieth anniversary
of the conclusion of World War II by working the exhibit around the Enola Gay,
the now infamous B-29 used to drop the bomb on Hiroshima. The NASM (which is really
part of the Smithsonian Institutions) suddenly finds itself in the middle of a
firestorm of controversy. Reading the essays in History Wars one gets the impression
that the real battle was one fought by historians and concerned citizens who feared
that nothing less than the American past was at stake. With an exhibit title like:
The Crossroads: The end of World War II, the Atomic Bomb, and the Origins of the
Cold War, the exhibit was ripe for controversy. Asking some rather pointed questions
about the bomb and whether or not it really did save lives and if it was the only
solution to ending the war (as in Did the Truman Administration have any other
options, etc.?) is starting to come a little bit too close to home. One really
needs to ask, was the exhibit a commemoration or a celebration? A commemoration
is really something or somewhat reflective and includes others. Conversely, a
celebration is a process of self-aggrandizement, which really means "I."
Air Force Association (AFA) together with the House of Representatives effectively
called for a suspension of what was seen as 'revisionism." No doubt that
World War II was "the greatest military victory in U.S. history" (2-3).
However, what is key to point out is that information comes to light after years
of being in the dark and it is our responsibility as good citizens to bring the
truth to the surface. In effect, we are all "revisionists." Linenthal
writes: "For Representative Sam Johnson, a Republican from Texas and air
force veteran who was appointed to the Smithsonian board of Regents by new Speaker
of the House Newt Gingrich, the outpouring of anger at the Smithsonian indicated
that "people" were taking history from elites (as code word for the
Intelligentsia - addition mine). "We've got to get patriotism back into the
Smithsonian," he declared. "We want the Smithsonian to reflect real
America and not something that a historian dreamed up"" (59). It needs
to be made clear that being self reflective and holding the U.S. accountable for
actions in the war does not detract from the bravery of the soldiers that fought
the war. However, in an effort to prevent wars in the future, to seek different
alternatives, we need to be self-reflective of the past - which is what I think
Linenthal and Engelhardt are trying to do in this book. We really need to be reflective
of the narratives that inform our actions, our nationalism. In History Wars, Linenthal,
et al. do nothing short of re-examining our master narratives. In History
Wars we read that criticism was direct towards the NASM focused on them making
the exhibit too sympathetic to the Japanese victims of the bomb. Doing so problematizes
the narrative that World War II was a "good war." The exhibit as well
as the script that went along with it was making the U.S. look like the aggressors
and Japan and the Japanese the victims. The War, as 'common-sense' understanding
has it, point to America entering the war to protect itself against Japanese aggression.
In an interchange of narratives, both governments (mind you all Nationalistic
governments do this) posture themselves as victim and the "Other" as
villain. Historians, quite fittingly argue, that what they observed was a successful
movement by powerful sections of American society to stifle problematizing of
"cherished national narratives" (5). As Michael Kammen, president of
the Organization of American Historians and member of the Smithsonian Council
posits: "...Historians become controversial when they do not perpetuate myths,
when they do not transmit the received and conventional wisdom, when they challenge
the comforting presence of a stabilized past" (60). The reality of what went
on in the air and on the ground is the same - no argument there. Moreover, as
good or bad as any war can be the truth on the ground is revealed in pictures
and the archive that has spawned around Hiroshima and Nagasaki. The argument about
perception is proof positive that "history" is less about the past but
more about the present and the future. In the end, all eight writers saw the "mini"
version of the exhibit was lost opportunity to be self-reflective of a passing
of one age and the dawning of another. |
 | War
Without Mercy: Race and Power in the Pacific War by John W. Dower: In
War Without Mercy John Dower's demonstrates and explains the racial side of the
war in the Asia-Pacific. Moreover he deftly explains the ramification or consequences
from the dynamics of "othering." Both military and reconstruction policy
in the Asia-Pacific, according to Dower were informed by this sense of othering
that ultimately resulted in catastrophic misunderstandings on both sides. The
sense of othering may have resulted in, at least for the moment, motivation to
destroy the other but it certainly did not provide true insight regarding the
enemy's. Dower starts the book out by taking a close look at the phenomenon of
propaganda and what was produced on both sides. Key in the examination is Frank
Capra's documentary, Know Your Enemy - Japan where he pegs the notion of and uncovers
the undergrid of race and stereotyping. At the core of the stereotyping on the
Japanese side was a sense of the "Pure Self" vs. "The Demonic Other."
Conversely, on the American side images of simians and a fluctuating sense of
lesser man and superman pervaded the mindset. As per the Japanese the pure
self, may have had deeper cultural roots. Dower describes how Japanese came to
experience the color white not in terms of color per se but infused with a deeper
sense - one of purity. Moreover, the imagery is further complicated in the form
of the demonic "Other" and as Dower outlines the Japanese also came
to represent the allied powers, in general, as demons. As far as the American
side is concerned most of the imagery was less about uplifting oneself but rather
putting down others. Imagery of simians and subsequent visions of supermen were
presented. There was also imagery of the herd and childish Japanese. With regards
to the herd, Dower also examines the public images of the Japanese in American
culture during World War II. What is clear is that "Despite such differences,
however," Dower writes, "the end results of racial thinking on both
sides were virtually identical - being hierarchy, arrogance, viciousness, atrocity,
and death." (180) Dower is at his best when he argues that despite the differences
in the particulars of the racial stereotyping that fed the Pacific War the functions
were the same on both sides. In closing, Dower's "big" book in terms
of scope speaks volumes about anti-Japanese racism and vice versa but also about
the resilient, ever changing, and malleable phenomenon that is racialization and
racialized thinking that all nations have found themselves involved with and the
misinformation and disaster that results when we engage with the Other. |